Rodong Sinmun Thursday observes in its commentator's article in this regard:

Stories about the U.S. scenario to mount a nuclear attack on the DPRK are casting shadow on the efforts to settle the nuclear issue on the peninsula.

The article cites concrete facts to prove that the U.S. has pursued the ambition for a preemptive nuclear attack on the DPRK since the 1950s.

One may say that it is a key link in the chain of the efforts for making the world nuclear-free to denuclearize the Korean Peninsula exposed to the international nuclear threat and the biggest danger of a nuclear war, the article notes, and goes on:

What matters is that some people are floating misinformation that the DPRK is to blame for the deadlocked six-party talks for the denuclearization of the peninsula.

This is a very wrong view prompted by the lack of knowledge about the essence of the issue.

The DPRK's access to nuclear deterrent was the best option and a legitimate measure for self-defence taken after its painstaking efforts to check the U.S. preemptive nuclear attack.

The DPRK has made strenuous efforts to turn the peninsula into a nuclear-free zone and a peace zone against the U.S. moves to keep south Korea as its nuclear base and ignite a nuclear war against the DPRK.

The U.S., however, has further increased its nuclear threat to the DPRK, turning its face away from all the efforts made by the latter to turn the peninsula into a nuclear-free zone.

It has become clear that no international treaty was effective enough to deter the U.S. from its arbitrary practices and on the contrary it has been abused as a tool for justifying its high-handed actions.

Even under this tense situation the DPRK did not cease to make efforts to seek a negotiated settlement of the nuclear issue on the peninsula.

Thanks to the sincerity and magnanimity on the part of the DPRK the "DPRK-U.S. Agreed Framework" was adopted to settle the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula in the 1990s but after its emergence the bellicose Bush administration unilaterally scrapped it, completely suspending the negotiations with the DPRK. At the outset of the new century this administration listed it as an "axis of evil." A particular mention should be made of the fact that the U.S. published its "nuclear posture review" which included the DPRK in the "targets of its preemptive nuclear strikes," posing an extremely grave nuclear threat to the Korean nation.

The DPRK had access to nuclear deterrence for self-defence and proudly ranked itself among nuclear weapons states. This put an end to the nuclear imbalance on the peninsula and defused the U.S. nuclear threat to the DPRK, ensuring the equilibrium of strength.

This testifies to the validity of the measure taken by the DPRK to have access to nukes and its practical significance.

Invariable is the stand of the DPRK to establish a durable peace-keeping regime on the peninsula and denuclearize it.

The DPRK is ready to resume the six-party talks. But the U.S. and some other parties concerned are not ready to do so. Under this situation, the DPRK does not make haste but will continue making patient efforts for the resumption of the talks.

The denuclearization of the peninsula would be meaningless and impossible without defusing the U.S nuclear threat to the DPRK.

The destiny of the talks and the prospect of the denuclearization of the peninsula entirely hinge on the attitude of the U.S.